It is no secret that United Nations mediation is in a state of decline. The UN is no longer in the lead role in conflict countries where the Secretary General and his representatives or Special Envoys are mandated to provide mediation and good offices. In most of these conflicts, powerful members of the Security Council, regional and subregional organizations are taking the lead, pushing the UN to the sidelines. The only two conflicts where the UN is still clearly in the lead are Cyprus and Western Sahara, and, in both countries, it has failed for decades to make any progress.
One needs only look at the fact that many of the UN Envoys cannot enter the countries where they are supposed to be mediating or have limited access to the actors they should be engaging with. The UN has been largely sidelined in many mediation processes by parties to, or backers of these proxy conflicts, who are ironically taking the mediation lead (for example in Syria and Yemen). In recent years, powerful P5 countries and others, have routinely interfered with the appointment of the Secretary General’s envoys, effectively imposing candidates with little relevant experience. Many Envoys have been appointed to countries they have never been to and whose language they do not speak.
The UN has made a great deal of effort since Kofi Annan’s In Larger Freedom reform proposals in 2005, to professionalize its mediation processes, and establish a series of guidelines that place inclusion at the forefront. However, the practice continues to lag behind the new standards. The establishment of the outstanding Mediation Unit, its very useful Standby Team of Senior Mediation Advisors, and High-Level Advisory Board, have all been positive developments, but more needs to be done to ensure that the UN upholds its mediation standards of consent, impartiality and inclusivity, particularly in the conflicts that have come to define these past decades.
Earlier this year ICDI published a report Libya: An Assessment of Twelve Years of UN Mediation, which found that political dialogues facilitated by the UN lacked inclusivity, impartiality and were often undermined by the interests and interference of major powers, a pattern which analysts also see in Syria, Yemen and other political processes.
The UN is no longer seen an impartial body, with a strong and respected voice globally. People living in conflict ridden countries are increasingly viewing the UN as promoting the interests of the West and the powerful. But this wasn’t always the case. In previous decades, the UN played a major role in facilitating peace processes in many countries around the world (such as Cambodia, Namibia, Central America, and Timor-Leste), and numerous dedicated UN officials have paid the ultimate price and lost their lives in the pursuit of peace.
The decline of UN mediation is taking place against a backdrop of the increased polarization of global politics that can be seen at the Security Council, in which Russia and China, are often pitted against the United States, the United Kingdom and France. The continuing monopoly of these three countries – the US, the UK and France – over the drafting of Security Council resolutions, and their undue influence in the Secretariat, where they continue to monopolize the leadership of the peace and security departments, has further eroded the UN’s credibility in mediation processes. The tragic conflict in Ukraine should have presented an opportunity for the UN to play the major mediating role, and for it to act as a bridge between Russia and NATO, in the same way Dag Hammarskjöld had carved space for the UN to act as a bridge between the East and West during the Cold War. Many countries such as Saudi Arabia, Israel, Turkey, South Africa, with other African states, are all vying to play this role, but the UN is nowhere to be seen.
In this month’s edition of Diplomacy Now, experts and academics, some of whom have worked with or inside the UN system, weigh in on the institution’s mediation record in Sudan, Syria, Yemen and Afghanistan, diagnosing what they see as serious flaws and providing recommendations for future engagement. As in previous editions, the views of these authors do not necessarily reflect our own, however, we publish these articles because we believe that there must be greater reflection and open discussion on the way in which UN mediation is conducted if it is to have a positive impact on people whose lives have been shaken by war. We strongly believe in a more effective UN that is fully able to address today’s global peace and security issues.
We plan to run further editions devoted to this theme.
Thank you for reading Diplomacy Now and we welcome your feedback at diplomacynow@dialogueinitiatives.org.
Jamal Benomar
Chair of ICDI
Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, MBE, and scholar and mediation practitioner, reflects on Western mediation missteps, particularly that of the United States, and the passivity of the UN, in the lead up to the fall of Kabul to the Taliban. Two years after the Taliban takeover, Naraghi Anderlini criticizes the privileging of the Taliban in negotiations and Western security interests over the ordinary interests of Afghans and women who are now paying the price.
“Neither the US, nor the Taliban or the Afghan official delegations took the opportunity of the talks to focus on a vision of the future. The mediators did not think to reframe the discussions based on sharing responsibility for the wellbeing of the country, instead of power sharing for their factions,” she writes.
Professor Mukesh Kapila, a humanitarian and scholar, who is unafraid to stir debate in the aid world, offers ten lessons in mediation from his days in Sudan as United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in 2003 during the Darfur crisis. Kapila illustrates the challenges that mediators must now face in an increasingly polarized world where the UN no longer holds the same weight that it did, and where external actors must take the lead.
“The UN’s role is still vital but more as a conference concierge or officiating priest at a ceremony. Today’s UN mediators must now possess mindsets and skills somewhat different from that of their predecessors,” he argues.
Hasmik Egian and Mouin Rabbani argue the UN lost ground in Syria during a critical period, when Islamic State was on the rise, through failing to take a stronger moral stance. Now, the UN has been sidelined from mediation efforts, and has a Special Envoy only in name. The UN must be honest about its virtually non-existent role, if it is to regain credibility, they argue.
Arwa Mokdad, a scholar focused on Yemen, argues that while the UN played positive roles between 2011-2015, Security Council members and Saudi interests undermined the possibility of peace and have sidelined local actors from mediating one of the world’s worst conflicts. Throughout Yemen she saw anti-UN graffiti and art splayed all over walls, illustrating the widespread anger to the institution. She argues that the UN must adopt a new Security Council resolution, that doesn’t side with one warring party over the other, if it is to regain any credibility.
Our final article comes from Professor Marie-Jöelle Zahar, an expert on conflict resolution and peace processes. Drawing on her research on Syria, she argues that the challenges in peace negotiations often starts at the outset in who is chosen to participate and how their participation is defined.
While the UN has made efforts to try and include women, they still often remain sidelined and stereotyped as peacemakers, rather than powerbrokers or significant political actors. How can the UN ensure that it adheres to its principles of inclusion in peace processes? Zahar offers us some preliminary answers.
Nelson Mandela
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