The long quest of the South Sudanese people for freedom, liberty, and justice dates back to the 1940s, with resistance against the Islamic regime in Khartoum. In 1983, South Sudanese mobilized under the late Dr. John Garang De Mabior, Chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), a revolutionary movement fighting for the rights, fundamental freedoms of South Sudanese people, including freedom of worship.
The liberation movement, which was dominated by South Sudan’s two largest ethnic groups – the Dinka and Nuer – was marked by internal rivalries and political killings as well as tensions with Sudan’s Islamist government. Post-liberation South Sudan has come to be defined by human rights abuses, loss of lives, sexual and gender based violence, illiteracy, poverty, under development and internal displacement, in addition to mounting refugees in neighboring East African and Horn Africa countries.
South Sudan has made headlines recently with renewed fears that it could return to civil war, with divisions deepening between the SPLM’s factions led by President Salva Kiir and SPLM-IO’s First Vice President Riek Machar. Kiir’s arrest of his longtime political rival Machar, in March, years after a power-sharing agreement was signed, has only underscored the need for greater diplomatic efforts and strong stance to be made to establish peace in Africa and the world’s youngest nation.
The challenges of post-independence South Sudan
In 2011, the South Sudanese people overwhelmingly voted by more than 98 percent for an independent state. However, the status of Abyei, Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile remains unresolved to date. South Sudan continues to face external challenges regarding international borders with Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, and Sudan, resulting in violent confrontations with communities across the borders.
Tensions in Sudan resurfaced in 2012 when the South Sudan government shut down the oil pipeline, accusing her neighbour of “stealing its oil intended for potential buyers overseas and constructing a secret pipeline to divert the produce.” In 2013, Sudan also ordered the shutdown of the oil pipeline, accusing Juba of using funds to arm “mercenaries, traitors, and agents,” referring to the SPLM-North (a faction of the SPLM/A representing the Sudanese people). Both sides continue to trade accusations against one another of attempting to cause instability in the other country.
Internal ethnic and political divisions continue to tear the SPLM party apart, with key former allies arming followers from their own ethnic groups to confront one another and the SPLA now the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces (SSPDF). In 2013 a violent crisis started in Juba following political disagreements over internal SPLM regulations, the SPLM constitution, the succession plan within the SPLM, and corruption among top leaders. This crisis resulted in gross human rights abuses, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, with targeted ethnic killings of civilians and revenge attacks, conflict-related sexual violence against women and girls creating largest IDPs within the Protection of Civilian Sites in Juba, Jonglei, Unity and Upper Nile. As a result of the violence, United Nations Security Council continue to review the United Nations Mission in South Sudan’s mandate annually to include protection of civilians, creating conditions conducive to facilitating the delivery of humanitarian assistance, supporting the implementation of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (RACRSS) and the peace process, and monitoring and investigating human rights violations.
IGAD-led peace mediation
The peace mediation, led by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional trade and mediation platform, has resulted in the signing of the original ACRSS in 2015 with key thematic areas on governance arrangements, which included: power sharing, and 35 percent affirmative action for women; security arrangements and professionalization of the army; humanitarian assistance and the return of refugees and IDPs; wealth management and economic reforms; transitional justice mechanisms, a constitution-making process; national census and housing survey; and general elections. The ARCSS was cut short when in 2016, fighting broke out in Juba between government forces under President Salva Kiir and SPLM-In Opposition under First Vice President Dr. Riek Machar creating an even larger displaced population in Juba and through some states.
New rebellions and estranged groups emerged and became stronger throughout the country with the national military and government unable to pay the salaries of its own recruits. More localized politically motivated intra and inter armed communal violence and cattle raiding increased across the communities. Governance institutions and politics have become increasingly militarized and political survival and leadership dependent on military capability and strength.
In 2018, IGAD with the support of the international community, initiated an inclusive peace negotiation under the High-Level Revitalization Forum that resulted in the signing of the RACRSS. However, the NAS faction of General Thomas Cirilo, General Paul Malong’s faction, and SPLM Former Detainees under General Pagan Amum did not sign the RACRSS but instead established the South Sudan Opposition Alliance (SSOMA). Peace gestures to the South Sudanese leaders by the Vatican, Late Pope Francis and the St. Egidio (Rome) peace mediation between the SSOMA and the government did not result in a concrete peace pact due to mistrust between the parties. Nonetheless, the faction later split, with two factions of SSOMA under General Thomas group and another under General Paul Malong. The talks were later transferred to Kenya under the Tumaini peace initiative that included SSOMA under Malong, non-political stakeholders from CSOs, the People’s Coalition for Civil Action (PCCA), faith leaders, academia, youth, and women. The Tumaini Initiative also could not be concluded as the RTGONU and the opposition groups did not agree on the signed protocols again due trust deficits and the lack of consensus on whether the Tumaini complements RACRSS or is an annex to the RACRSS.
However, the RACRSS was not fully implemented, with only 10 percent completed to date. The RACRSS established Reconstituted Transitional Government of National Unity (RGoNU) with President Kiir as the head of state and government and Dr. Riek Machar as First Vice President and 4 other Vice Presidents and included requirements for measures, including: women’s representation, legislative reforms with the adoption of security and governance laws, requirements for transitional justice, adoption of a permanent constitution and general elections. The agreement has failed largely due to violations of the ceasefire by the signatories, lack of implementation of the security arrangement including cantonment of the forces, training and unification of the various security organs.
South Sudan became a member of the East African Community but has also maintained membership with the Arab League and the Horn of Africa. The RACRSS and the Tumaini are at a crossroads with warring parties lacking the leadership and political will to pursue genuine peace for the people. President Kiir has relieved opposition Ministers at the national and state levels with some arbitrary arrests and detentions without due process of the law. Young people mobilised and armed themselves in defense of their own territory against the government soldiers, resulting in localized violence that caused human suffering and gross human rights abuses. Of key concern is the escalating violence and deteriorating security situation in Nasir County of Upper Nile, with the White Army rearming and fighting the SSPDF; fighting in Western Equatoria and the Central Equatoria between government troops and SPLM-IO. Although under detention, the government accused Dr. Riek Macher of influencing and supporting the White Army against the government forces.
The RACRSS guarantors became entangled in the crisis instead of helping to restore peace. The military intervention of the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) in the ongoing fighting to President Salva Kiir were criticised including by the SPLM-IO. The Sudan government was accused too of arming the White Army as RSF is alleged to be supporting the SSPDF. Civilian facilities such as hospitals; civilians, women, children and vulnerable groups became victims of the Nasir, Fangak and Akobo conflict with aerial bombardment and displacement.
Despite the shrinking civic and political space and the hostile environment for meaningful engagement, Civil Society Organizations, women groups, youth, and faith-based leaders continue to provide hope to the civilian population. They have held civic engagement and awareness raising campaigns on the peace process, key governance and human rights issues.
CSOs, the international community, UN, AU, IGAD, Troika and friends of South Sudan have all been calling for an end to the current crisis through an inclusive national dialogue, and the release of Vice President Machar and other political detainees,with little or no progress. The government has prevented the AU, IGAD and the EU from accessing Riek Machar. The Government has indicated that they are yet investigating him from commiting crimes and that he would arraign before a court.
The next steps forward
First, the international community should support the implementation of the RACRSS. If implemented, the RACRSS could provide the foundation for a genuine democratic transition. National Political Dialogue is important in shaping the road map for sustainable peace and elections.
Second, the international community must support the effective and meaningful participation of CSOs, women’s groups, youth, faith-based leaders, and academics in the peace process, including in constitution making, elections and transitional justice initiatives.
Third, the UN should support local mediation efforts led by local faith-based and community leaders in South Sudan. All other actors such as the AU Panel of the Wise, IGAD, St Egidio, and others, should also support these efforts and avoid the duplication and proliferation of other mediation initiatives.
Jackline Nasiwa is the Founder and Executive Director of the Centre for Governance, Peace and Justice (CIGPJ), a civil society organization that promotes civic engagement, peace and human rights in South Sudan.
